It has come to our attention that Ray Kelly, the NYPD Police Commissioner about to be replaced by Bill DeBlasio, could be working for Henry Kissinger pretty soon.
Calling him an “international expert on terrorism”, The New York Post today reported that Kelly was spotted yesterday paying a personal visit to Kissinger at his apartment on 52nd St.
Kelly would be right at home at Kissinger Associates, which itself is a secretive international consulting firm that Kissinger founded in 1982 with Brent Scowcroft. Since then, they have expanded their “specialties” to include cybersecurity and “assessing” terror threats.
A few hours later and a few blocks away found Kelly at the mansion of Tina Brown, who threw him and his family a seated dinner in his honor. During the festivities, he was “thanked” for his “service” by CNN boss Jeff Zucker, former chancellor of schools Joel Klein, “Nightline” co-anchor Cynthia McFadden, financial big shot Don Marron, and Washington Post writer Richard Cohen with Pat Duff.
He is a man who knows his way around Washington. In addition to his time in the mid-nineties as undersecretary of the Treasury, he was head of the Customs Service. He also worked for Interpol and was a special State Department envoy in Haiti where he was sent to establish and train a police force.
Since Ray Kelly has been said to be the “face of NYPD” for almost 2 decades now, it’s a good idea to look at the NYPD in general. Keep in mind, this isn’t even old news ; All of these events occurred around or after the time that Ray Kelly was involved with the NYPD.
Although I could be accused of throwing stones in glass houses because I come from one of the most corrupt small cities in America, it is obvious that corruption is rife in the NYPD:
Louis Eppolito and Stephen Caracappa are two former New York Police Department (NYPD) police detectives who worked on behalf of the New York Mafia, principally the Lucchese crime family, while they committed various illegal activities. In 2006, they were convicted of labor racketeering, extortion, narcotics, illegal gambling, obstruction of justice, eight counts of murder and conspiracy to commit murder, charges stemming from the 1980s and the early 1990s in New York, and in the 2000s in Las Vegas. Both were sentenced to life in federal prison.
In April 2006, Casso revealed that two respected New York City police detectives worked as hitmen and informants for Casso during the 1980s and early 1990s before their retirement. They were Louis Eppolito and Stephen Caracappa, who spent much of their combined 44 years with the NYPD committing murders and leaking confidential information to the Lucchese family. Between 1986 and 1990, Eppolito and Caracappa participated in eight murders and received $375,000 from Casso in bribes and payments for murder ‘contracts’. Casso used Caracappa and Eppolito to pressure the Gambino crime family by murdering several of their members. This is because Casso, along with the imprisoned Amuso and Genovese crime family boss Vincent Gigante, wanted their rival John Gotti out of the way. Caracappa and Eppolito are now seen as the main source of ‘tension’ between these three families during the late 1980s and early 1990s.
The infiltration echoes the tactics the NYPD used in the run-up to New York’s 2004 Republican National Convention, when police monitored church groups, anti-war organizations and environmental advocates nationwide. That effort was revealed by The New York Times in 2007 and in an ongoing federal civil rights lawsuit over how the NYPD treated convention protesters.
Police said the pre-convention spying was necessary to prepare for the huge, raucous crowds that were headed to the city. But documents obtained by The Associated Press show that the police department’s intelligence unit continued to keep close watch on political groups in 2008, long after the convention had passed.
In April 2008, an undercover NYPD officer traveled to New Orleans to attend the People’s Summit, a gathering of liberal groups organized around their shared opposition to U.S. economic policy and the effect of trade agreements between the U.S., Canada and Mexico.
When the undercover effort was summarized for supervisors, it identified groups opposed to U.S. immigration policy, labor laws and racial profiling. Two activists — Jordan Flaherty, a journalist, and Marisa Franco, a labor organizer for housekeepers and nannies — were mentioned by name in one of the police intelligence reports obtained by the AP.
“One workshop was led by Jordan Flaherty, former member of the International Solidarity Movement Chapter in New York City,” officers wrote in an April 25, 2008, memo to David Cohen, the NYPD’s top intelligence officer. “Mr. Flaherty is an editor and journalist of the Left Turn Magazine and was one of the main organizers of the conference. Mr. Flaherty held a discussion calling for the increase of the divestment campaign of Israel and mentioned two events related to Palestine.”
The document is available here: http://apne.ws/GGCBuX
The document provides the latest example of how, in the name of fighting terrorism, law enforcement agencies around the country have scrutinized groups that legally oppose government policies. The FBI, for instance, has collected information on anti-war demonstrators. The Maryland state police infiltrated meetings of anti-death penalty groups. Missouri counterterrorism analysts suggested that support for Rep. Ron Paul, R-Texas, might indicate support for violent militias — an assertion for which state officials later apologized. And Texas officials urged authorities to monitor lobbying efforts by pro Muslim-groups.
– USA Today, March 2012
Dennis Kim and Jerry Svoronos, two New York City Police Officers working out of the 109th Precinct, Gina Kim and Geeho Chae, brothel operators, were arrested on March 8, 2006, for bribery charges relating to the protection of a brothel located in Flushing, Queens. Agents seized approximately $800,000 in cash, believed to be the proceeds of the brothel, from Kim and Chae’s vehicle and residence.
On March 8, 2006 search warrants were executed at the brothel and a boarding house used by the brothel workers, and agents seized immigration documents, business records, and a small quantity of ecstasy. The two officers were in a unit which targets quality-of-life-type crimes.
Members of the precincts engaged in a practice known as “flaking”, in which cops planted marijuana, cocaine, or Ecstasy on suspects. Members of the conditions unit maintained a small stash of drug in an Altoids tin for this purpose, Assistant U.S. Attorney Monica Ryan said.In addition, 16 Chinese and Korean brothel workers were taken into immigration custody.
On October 29, 2008, officer Jorge Arbaje-Diaz pled not guilty in Brooklyn Federal Court to charges that he kidnapped, robbed, and tortured drug dealers for more than 1,600 pounds (730 kg) of cocaine and $4 million in cash.
On October 15, 2008, five officers attempted to arrest Michael Mineo for smoking marijuana in a Brooklyn subway station. Days later, Mineo made accusations claiming he was sodomized with a police radio antenna by the officers. On December 9, 2008, the Brooklyn District Attorney announced that three of the officers, Richard Kern, Alex Cruz, and Andrew Morales, were indicted on criminal charges. According to the District Attorney, officer Kern sodomized Mineo with his expandable baton after the officers handcuffed him. Officer Kern was charged with aggravated sexual abuse and assault, and faced up to 25 years in prison, and officers Cruz and Morales were charged with hindering prosecution and official misconduct, and faced up to 4 years in prison. All three officers were acquitted of all charges.
In 2008, Steven Mauriello, commander of the 81st precinct in Brooklyn, New York, ordered his officers to be far more aggressive – to arrest anyone doing anything even slightly out of line.
“Everybody goes,” he said. “I don’t care. Yoke ’em. Put ’em through the system. They got bandannas on? Arrest ’em. They’re underage? Fuck it. You’re on a foot post? Fuck it. Take the first guy you got and lock ’em all up. Bring ’em in.” A lieutenant later added, “they don’t own the block. We own the block. They might live there, but we own the block. We own the streets here.”
Those orders represent a taste of over 1,000 hours of day-to-day life in the NYPD secretly recorded by Adrian Schoolcraft, an unassuming patrolman who became disgusted with the unrelenting pressure he faced to “make his numbers,” regardless of whether he actually witnessed any wrongdoing.
While a federal judge this week declared “stop-and-frisk”—one aspect of the NYPD’s hyper-aggressive approach to policing—unconstitutional, it only scratches the surface of the institutional problems Schoolcraft chronicled. They flow largely from the NYPD’s “corporate approach” to policing, a singular obsession with crime statistics that compels officers to harass New Yorkers for petty offenses while turning their backs on serious offenses that might inflate the numbers. (In some cases patrol bosses even ordered cops to arrest people for doing nothing, with the understanding that they’d be sprung later.) Cops who don’t get with the program end up with targets on their backs.
Schoolcraft would pay a steep price for trying to blow the whistle on these issues. His story is detailed in The NYPD Tapes: a Shocking Story of Cops, Cover-ups, and Courage, by Village Voice reporter Graham Rayman.
Rayman appeared on the AlterNet Radio Hour this week. A lightly edited transcript of the discussion follows.
Joshua Holland: First, what is CompStat?
Graham Rayman: CompStat is a statistics-driven crime strategy. Basically, statistics are kept looking for hotspots of crime and then resources, officers, are devoted to dealing with those problems. For example, if you have a rash of robberies in a given area in a precinct, you send cops out to focus on those robberies. It was started around 1994 under then-commissioner William Bratton and was credited with the sharp crime decline that took place in New York City over the past 20 years.
As time went on, though, it also became a vehicle for promotion among precinct commanders. If you showed good numbers, good CompStat numbers, then you were more likely to get promoted. The other element of CompStat is that precinct commanders were called into headquarters to explain issues in their precinct. Sometimes those meetings would get very intense. Careers either blossomed or failed in those meetings on a regular basis.
JH: This is also happening while the NYPD is adopting the so-called broken windows theory. That is, you have a zero-tolerance policy for small offenses. Tell us a little bit about what impact that has on communities and especially in poor neighborhoods, communities of color, etc.
GR: Broken windows refers to the theory that if a window is broken in a house, other bad things are going to happen if you don’t repair it. What it led to is this huge increase in stop-and-frisks in New York City. That caused a lot of tension in the community, because the department had quotas for stop-and-frisks. Young black and Hispanic men, mainly, were being stopped over and over again in these poorer neighborhoods, often for no reason, often just to get the quota. It’s caused a lot of conflict between the police and the community.
JH: You make an important point—or you quote Adrian Schoolcraft making this point—that NYPD is effectively turning citizens who might just be hanging out on a street corner into criminals. They’ll have records that will impact their employment prospects, their eligibility for social services and other things for years to come.
One thing your book makes clear that I was only vaguely aware of is how awful it’s become to serve in the NYPD for regular patrolmen. You have this unrelenting pressure from above to fulfill these quotas, quotas the department denies exist. That translates into basically harassing citizens whether you want to or not. Then there are all these mechanisms for making a patrolman’s life hell if he doesn’t meet his numbers. Tell us a little bit about that last bit.
GR: Well, in the roll calls … Adrian Schoolcraft secretly recorded his commanders. In the roll calls, there’s this constant drumbeat for numbers. “Get your numbers. Get your numbers. Get your numbers.” If you refuse to do that, if you want to use your discretion, if you want to give a warning to someone who isn’t wearing their seatbelt, for example, or someone who is drinking a beer on their stoop, you get in trouble for that.
There are all kinds of administrative tools they can use to cause you problems. In Adrian’s case, they started giving him bad evaluations. When he started objecting, it just got worse and worse. They went so far as to give him assignments that were really dangerous. For example, they stuck him at night alone on foot in the most dangerous sector in the district, where basically he was in danger. I mean, he’s alone, no partner, for his entire shift night after night after night.
JH: It’s amazing how, if you don’t have a “rabbi”—that is, someone who is senior on your side—you can just be hassled in myriad ways. They assign you to sectors the furthest from your home. They do all these things.
We really haven’t spoken about what may be the worst of it, which is how the pressure to fix the books causes NYPD to treat victims of crime. On the one hand, you have these cops with this pressure to take many more actions, but on the other, the department wants to see a constant reduction in reported crimes.
GR: Well, as I said, as the numbers became more important, they became both the means and the end. Commanders seeking promotion had to show good numbers, so they evolved a whole bunch of ways to make crime numbers go down without necessarily actually driving crime down.
There’s a really horrifying case that I write about in the book in which a serial rapist was allowed to continue his attacks. He did about seven of them in this one particular neighborhood, because his attacks, which should have been classified as robbery/attempted rapes or sexual assaults, were classified as misdemeanors—harassment and trespassing.
So the pattern wasn’t observed until the guy was arrested and this one detective, Harold Hernandez, started questioning him and said, “You’ve done this before,” and the guy said, “Yeah,” and he showed them the locations. That led Hernandez, who was so disgusted by how the case was handled, to retire earlier than he would have, because it just rankled him so much.
JH: In the book, there are all of these shocking stories of people getting robbed and beaten and stuck up at gunpoint and not being able to make a complaint, or being talked out of filing a complaint, or having the complaints downgraded to these minor offenses, like lost property. You get robbed, and the cops end up filing a report that says you lost your property just so the numbers look better for the brass. It’s really amazing.
JH: Okay, so here’s a cop named Adrian Schoolcraft. He’s a patrolman. He’s a reluctant cop—he wasn’t considering joining the NYPD until his mother thought it would be a good idea.
He’s in this meat grinder. He has to do all of these crappy details that keep him off the streets, but he also has to make his numbers. At first, he’s getting good evaluations, but he’s obviously not happy. He starts recording his days on the job. These are the NYPD tapes. What was his motive for doing that, Graham?
GR: Well, there were a couple of reasons. One is, they were starting to squeeze him and harass him, and he wanted to make a record of that to protect himself. The other reason is, some of the things that were going on in the precinct he really objected to, and he thought that if he … well, he knew that no one would listen to him if he didn’t have any evidence. He started recording to build essentially a dossier of all the different things that he thought were unethical.
I mean, it wasn’t just downgrading and quotas. It was also poor training. It was orders that led to civil rights violations. The precinct commanders were ordering people to be arrested and held in the precinct just to, as it says on the tapes, just to inconvenience them. There was forced overtime, officers obligated to work a lot more hours than they should have been working just because the precinct was short-staffed, which was a huge problem that continues today.
JH: Schoolcraft, at first, complained about this through the proper channels. How did the department respond?
GR: He literally went through the chain of command step by step. He complained to his lieutenants and sergeants. Then he complained to the precinct commander. He wrote a letter to the police commissioner’s office. He then wrote to Internal Affairs. He reached out to a former whistleblower named David Durk, who is a retired police officer. Durk advised him to go to an internal investigative body in the police department called the Quality Assurance Division, which audits the crime statistics. He spoke to them for two hours. None of it went anywhere.
If they had just treated him with respect and at least listened somewhat to what he had to say, this story may never have become public.
JH: Let’s dig into this a little bit more. It’s Halloween. How did Adrian Schoolcraft come to be locked to a gurney in a mental institution?
GR: Well, in early October of 2009, he went to this Quality Assurance Division that I mentioned and told them about the downgrading of the crime stats. In the meantime, Internal Affairs was leaving messages for him at the precinct, which is a serious breach of confidentiality. His commanders must have known that he was talking to the Internal Affairs investigators.
Three weeks later, on Halloween night, 2009, he went home early, about an hour early, saying he was sick, but the real reason was that he felt like he was being harassed by his lieutenant who had taken his memo book. Adrian had been keeping notes about the misconduct in his memo book, and the lieutenant had copied them and given a copy to the precinct commander.
That night, they came to his apartment and insisted that he return to the station house to face discipline for leaving work early. Just to put this in context, in a normal situation, this would have been just a routine matter that would have been handled the following day. They wouldn’t have sent 12 police officers, some of them in tactical gear, and a deputy chief to his little one-bedroom apartment to deal with the fact that he had gone home from work a little bit early. It would have resulted in some kind of minor penalty, a letter in his file or losing five vacation days lost or something like that.
Instead, when he refused to go back to the station house, they classified him as an emotionally disturbed person, an EDP in department slang. That allowed them to forcibly drag him out of his apartment, throw him in an ambulance and take him to the Jamaica Hospital psychiatric ward, where he was admitted, largely based on inaccurate statements by the police about his behavior that night and held there for six days.
Adrian secretly recorded that night, and a transcript of the tape is reproduced in the book. It shows very clearly that he was calm and coherent through the whole encounter in his apartment, but that turned into a claim that he was crazy. He had this six-day period in the psychiatric ward when it was totally unnecessary.
JH: They handcuffed his hands too tight. He was in pain. This is just an amazing part of the book. The hospital just took the police department’s accounts at face value, even though their own psychiatrists were evaluating him and saying “Wow, this guy doesn’t really seem like he’s nuts.”
His father, Larry, is an ex-cop. He’s trying to get someone to look at this case. How did that go?
GR: I’m sorry to laugh, but one of the really striking things about this story is that all of the oversight agencies, the federal prosecutors, the FBI, the attorney general’s office, the local prosecutors, the mayor’s office, the police commissioner’s office, none of them responded to these complaints.
Larry —even predating the incident in his apartment on Halloween night—Larry had notified the mayor’s office and the police commissioner’s office that there were issues, serious issues, that there was a conflict developing between Adrian and his commanders, and that they needed to get involved. He was ignored.
After Halloween night, Larry was trying desperately to get someone to intervene, to get the FBI to come and get him out of the psychiatric ward. He was basically laughed at. (Editor’s Note: We weren’t there, but I’m pretty sure the laugh looked like the picture to the right). I mean, they just ignored him. Subsequently, after Adrian got out of the psychiatric ward, they tried to interest all kinds of investigative agencies, and nobody would do anything.
JH: This stuff was really Kafkaesque. Schoolcraft gets released. He ends up in this limbo, because the department doesn’t want to fire him. They don’t want to reinstate him. Internal Affairs is racking up all these charges against him even as another unit, the Quality Insurance Division, is investigating his allegations against the department.
Finally, having kind of exhausted all the agencies they could go to, they decided to go to the press. Tell us a little bit about the fallout. You wrote a series of pieces in the Voice. There was a series of pieces, I think, in the New York Daily News. What happened next as a result of all of this?
GR: Well, after my articles came out, the police commissioner was obligated to do something, and so he transferred the deputy chief who had ordered Adrian into the psychiatric ward. He transferred him from Brooklyn to a post in Staten Island. He transferred the precinct commander. He transferred many of the top officials in the 81st precinct. He charged the precinct commander and several other cops with downgrading of crime. He also issued a couple of personnel orders about handling of crime complaints and other things.
Then, he created this panel that I mentioned earlier, which was supposed to only take a few months to issue their report, but it took over two years. In general, the response to Schoolcraft was kind of like the old North Carolina slowdown offense. It seemed like he wanted to do just enough to make it appear like he was doing something without actually dealing with the larger issues, which were department-wide, without allowing a comprehensive investigation into some of these issues.
JH: Raymond Kelly and Michael Bloomberg continue to defend the stop-and-frisk policy.…
In December 2008, two on-duty NYPD officers were charged with raping a woman whom they had been dispatched to help on a 911 call. Officers Kenneth Moreno, age 43, and Franklin Mata, age 29, were called to help a drunken woman climb out of a taxi and into her apartment in 2008. The woman testified that she awoke in her bedroom to being raped by Moreno; Mata was said to have acted as a lookout during the incident. Although both men were acquitted of the rape at trial in May 2011, the jury’s verdict proved highly controversial and drew large protests.Moreno and Mata were, however, found guilty of official misconduct for going back into the woman’s apartment three times without alerting their superiors and making erroneous calls to 911 with claims of a nonexistent homeless man loitering in the area, to facilitate their return to the premises. As a result of the convictions, both officers were immediately terminated from the NYPD.
In September 2011, an off-duty NYPD officer, Michael Pena, was charged with raping a schoolteacher at gunpoint. According to the woman, she was stopped by Pena, who was allegedly intoxicated, and ordered her into an apartment backyard as he pointed a gun into her face. At Pena’s trial, the woman tesitifed that Pena had threatened to kill her if she screamed or looked at him as he began to rape her. An apartment resident heard the woman’s pleas for him to stop and called 911. The NYPD was able to confirm that Pena was drunk and armed, but he denies raping her. He was charged with 10 felonies, including predatory assault, sexual assault, and first-degree rape, and pled not guilty. On March 27, 2012, Pena was found guilty on the predatory assault and sexual assault charges, but the jury deadlocked on the rape charges. Three months after the trial, Pena plead guilty to rape and was sentenced to 75-to-life.
In August 2010, 11-year-old Briana Ojeda died from an asthma attack after an NYPD officer denied her mother’s pleas to perform CPR. Ojeda’s mother allegedly was driving her daughter to the hospital when she took a wrong one-way turn in a neighborhood street and stopped to ask Officer Alfonso Mendez for help. Ojeda’s mother claimed Mendez smirked at her and said, “I don’t know CPR.” and tried to ticket her. A bystander performed CPR and by the time an ambulance arrived, Mendez had left. After a one week manhunt, Mendez was identified and has been suspended without pay indefinitely.
While pleading guilty to a felony civil rights violation in a Brooklyn courtroom yesterday, Officer Admir Kacamakovic, an eight-year veteran of the department, wasn’t shy about sharing his true feelings about the NYPD. “I have been working with the most goddamned corrupt police department this world has ever known,” Kacamakovic declared in open court. Waving an official police ID card in front of him, he added, “I’m willing to say goodbye to this goddamn piece of s–t. I want to hand in this ID.” That won’t be a problem.
“I don’t know why I didn’t commit suicide yet,” Kacamakovic, 32, told the Judge William Kuntz II, a former member of the NYPD’s Civilian Complaint Review Board…
Investigators have been infiltrating Muslim student groups at Brooklyn College and other schools in the city, monitoring their Internet activity and placing undercover agents in their ranks, police documents obtained by The Associated Press show. Legal experts say the operation may have broken a 19-year-old pact with the colleges and violated U.S. privacy laws, jeopardizing millions of dollars in federal research money and student aid.
The infiltration was part of a secret NYPD intelligence-gathering effort that put entire Muslim communities under scrutiny. Police photographed restaurants and grocery stores that cater to Muslims and built databases showing where people shopped, got their hair cut and prayed. The AP reported on the secret campaign in a series of stories beginning in August.
The majority of Islamic terrorism cases involve young men, and infiltrating student groups gave police access to that demographic. Alarmed professors and students, however, say it smacks of the FBI spying conducted on college campuses in the 1960s. They are calling on college administrators to investigate.
Following revelations about widespread spying, the New York City Council demanded answers Thursday from Police Commissioner Raymond Kelly, who defended the department he has transformed since the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. He said police only follow leads and do not single out groups based on religion.
“The value we place on privacy rights and other constitutional protections is part of what motivates the work of counterterrorism,” he said. “It would be counterproductive in the extreme if we violated those freedoms in the course of our work to defend New York.”
The NYPD’s intelligence division first turned its attention to colleges after receiving sketchy information that a student wanted to be a “martyr,” according to a law enforcement official familiar with the program who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to discuss the program. But police never found this person and did not bring cases charging Muslim student groups with training terrorists, the official said.
In their surveillance, undercover officers from the department’s Special Services Unit attended events organized by Muslim students, the official said, as did members of the NYPD’s Demographics Unit, a secret squad that used plainclothes officers of Arab descent to monitor neighborhoods and events.
The NYPD’s Cyber Intelligence Unit used speakers of Arabic, Persian and other languages to monitor the websites of Muslim student organizations. They trolled chat rooms and talked to students online, the official said.
By 2006, police had identified 31 Muslim student associations and labeled seven of them “MSAs of concern,” the documents show.
Six were at branches of the City University of New York: Brooklyn College, Baruch College, City College, Hunter College, La Guardia Community College and Queens College. The other was at St. John’s University, a Catholic college in the borough of Queens.
Police believed that the group at Queens College had a link to a member of Al-Muhajiroun, a Muslim organization that was banned in Saudi Arabia and Britain for condoning militant attacks.
In a few instances, NYPD detectives approached campus police for help, saying they were working narcotics or gang cases to win their cooperation and sometimes even access to records, the official said. Police used the records to identify students they were observing and get contact information, the official said.
The colleges may have broken the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act, a federal statute, if they handed over student records without the students’ consent, said Richard Rainsberger, a consultant on college privacy laws.
“That means every single federal dollar: the research funds, the federal loans, the Pell grants,” said Meg Penrose, an expert on the privacy act at Texas Wesleyan University School of Law.
U.S. Education Department spokesman David Thomas said the agency had not heard about the NYPD program. But he said colleges are generally barred from giving law enforcement agencies any student records without their consent unless police have a court order or subpoena.
Sometimes, school police even let the NYPD use campus buildings as a quiet, out-of-the-way place to interview informants after hours, the law enforcement official said.
By 2006 police had placed NYPD undercover agents at Brooklyn College and Baruch, according to the documents obtained by the AP. At Hunter, City College, Queens College, La Guardia and St. John’s, documents said there were “secondary” undercover officers. It was not clear from the documents if that meant the NYPD was relying on another agency’s undercover officers or if the NYPD was one of two agencies infiltrating the groups.
The documents show police were worried about “militant paintball trips” organized by Muslim students at Brooklyn College. The Justice Department has in the past accused would-be terrorists of using paintball games as a sort of paramilitary training. But current and former officials said there was no standard for what kind of paintball trips the NYPD considered militant.
An old website formerly used by the group shows photos from one of these trips to a paintball range in Jim Thorpe, Pa. An announcement for an upcoming trip gives strategy tips like separating players into offensive and defensive lines. It jokingly describes the “luxurious cheesebus” members will ride in and advises them to check “the back of your `Fruit of the Loom'” for equipment sizes.
Islamic Society members said it has been years since members did any organized paintball trips. They scoffed at the NYPD report, noting that the club has also organized basketball, football and cricket games in the past.
The City University of New York says it knew nothing about the infiltration at the time. Police have not acknowledged to administrators that such a program ever existed, CUNY spokesman Michael Arena said.
But individual colleges said they were concerned.
“It is our view that except in extraordinary circumstances where specific evidence links a member of a campus community to terrorist activities, the college community should not be involved with any such surveillance,” said Maria Terrone, a spokeswoman for Queens College.
“Had anyone on this campus been aware of this, we would have condemned it,” said Jeremy Thompson, a spokesman for Brooklyn College.
At Baruch, administrators do not believe they have a problem with student radicalization, said spokeswoman Christina Latouf.
Professors have called the surveillance an attack on academic freedom. The Brooklyn College Faculty Council unanimously passed a resolution saying it would have a “chilling effect on the intellectual freedom necessary for a vibrant academic community.”
Undercover officers may also have violated a 1992 memorandum of understanding between CUNY and the NYPD, said Ramzi Kassem, one of the law professors.
That agreement says that in non-emergency situations, police “shall enter upon CUNY campuses, buildings and other property only upon the request or approval of a CUNY official.”
Meanwhile, students said they worried the surveillance on campus could follow them after graduation or extend to their families and workplaces.
“We have nothing to hide. But this is obviously baby steps: it could lead to something greater,” said Sultan Alreyashi, 18, a freshman. “They could say, `Oh, now we need to investigate the mosques, now we need to investigate whatever.’ So it becomes very disturbing to the whole community, not just to students in college. You give them a hand, they take a whole arm.”
(Apuzzo reported from Washington. Associated Press writers Adam Goldman and Eileen Sullivan in Washington contributed to this report.)
An October 2011 article by Pam Martens in the Counterpunch newsletter, allegedpolice corruption in reference to the NYPD’s Paid Detail Unit that allows corporations to hire NYPD police officers for security duties.The Paid Detail Unit was established by Mayor Giuliani 1998 as a way to increase revenue to New York city that allowed off-duty police officers to moonlight in uniform and as of 2003 nearly half of NYPD’s street cops (11,000) were on the Paid Detail Unit.The then commanding officer of the Unit justified the program by claimng cops are off the business payroll the moment they see a crime committed and are expected to respond just as they would if they were off-duty.
NYPD made headlines when Associated Press published reports on NYPD’s spying on Muslims in New York City and neighboring New Jersey. Muslims were spied on in mosques, restaurants, streets, public places & Muslim groups & websites were scrutinized. It resulted in large confusion, anger from Muslim communities in America as well as support from New York City mayor Bloomberg. FBIcriticised the spying as unhealthy. Associated Press won 2012 Pulitzer Prize for the investigation.Later, in June, 2012, NJ Muslims sued NYPD over spying.
While the NYPD has worked in recent years to end the stigma associated with snitching on fellow officers, three former detectives and a current one have filed lawsuits alleging that they were harassed for reporting corruption. In one federal suit, Detective James Griffin, who retired last summer, claims that the NYPD created a hostile work environment and infringed on his right to free speech after he reported that colleagues were trying to frame him for a botched homicide investigation. Griffin had a distinguished career, but that changed after he started working with Internal Affairs. Per the New York Times:
Within a month, Mr. Griffin said, he found the word “rat” scrawled on his locker. Another detective called him a coward and threatened to write that Mr. Griffin was a rat on every chalkboard in the building, the lawsuit claims.
He was told not to come to his detective squad’s Christmas party, and his money for it was refunded.
In the squad room, colleagues switched desks to sit farther from him. Many stopped making eye contact with him, he said in an interview. Nobody would work with him, which affected his cases, because detectives are required to be accompanied by a partner on investigations.
Police Commissioner Ray Kelly has worked to bulk up Internal Affairs, drafting officers into the department and encouraging reporting. Last year, the NYPD went after officers who threw out traffic tickets for friends and family. Though the investigation turned up evidence of more serious crimes, the crackdown on such a minor violation made the NYPD more wary of Internal Affairs. If the allegations are true, making an example of the officers only led to an even bigger push against cops who report one of their own.
Occupy Wall Street activist Michael Premo was arrested on December 17, 2011 and charged with assaulting an officer. Prosecutors argued and the arresting officer gave sworn testimony that Premo “charged the police like a linebacker, taking out a lieutenant and resisting arrest so forcefully that he fractured an officer’s bone.”
The defense located video that was taken by freelancer Jon Gerberg which contradicted the sworn testimony, instead showing officers “tackling [Premo] as he attempted to get back on his feet”. Prosecutors claimed no video of Premo’s arrest existed, yet the Gerberg video clearly showed an NYPD officer also filming Premo’s arrestOne author wrote that “information provided by the NYPD in the trial was fabricated to such a degree that the allegations made by the police officers have turned out to be quite literally the opposite of what actually happened.
In March 2013, Premo was found Not Guilty of all charges.
On July 21, 2013, 37-year-old Kyam Livingston died in NYPD custody after being arrested by officers of Brooklyn’s 70th Precinct due to a verbal confrontation with her grandmother that police say was in violation of an order of protection. Upon arrest, Livingston was brought to Kings County Hospital for alcohol and drug testing but was released in a few hours. She was then processed at the precinct and brought to Brooklyn Central Booking to await arraignment.After approximately 13 hours in custody, Livingston experienced stomach pain and diarrhea and began to repeatedly request medical assistance over the course of seven more hours. According to witnesses, NYPD officers on duty refused to issue Livingston any medical attention, stating that she was an “alcoholic” and threatening to “lose the paperwork” of Livingston and other women in the cell who were pleading for someone to come to her aid. It was further reported that Livingston was dead for at least 20 minutes before emergency medical staff arrived.
Beginning in August 2013, there were repeated demonstrations in Brooklyn, NY demanding the names of the officers on duty at the time of Livingston’s death, the release of video surveillance tapes from the cell Livingston was detained in, and the full investigation and improvement of conditions at Brooklyn Central Booking jail.Livingston’s family filed a Notice of Claim against the NYPD and other government entities as a prerequisite to an $11 million lawsuit,and called for the criminal prosecution of any police officer who denied medical attention to Livingston while she was in their custody.The NYPD Internal Affairs Division’s investigation of the matter is ongoing.
On September 29, 2013, on New York City’s Henry Hudson Parkway, an SUV driven by motorist Alexian Lien was involved in a vehicular accident with motorcyclist Christopher Cruz. A fifty-block (two-and-a-half-mile) chase by Cruz’s companions ensued. The motorcyclists, who allegedly had been participating in an unapproved Sunday rally, pursued Lien to Manhattan’s 178th Street, at the foot of the George Washington Bridge and assaulted him. Bikers, including off-duty New York City police officers, were involved in the chase and assault.Ten-year veteran and undercover detective Wojciech Braszczok surrendered to authorities and was arrested on October 8.An undercover narcotics detective has been identified by the press as being present but not participating in the assault.Sources have reported a total of five off duty officers were originally present on the West Side Highway, and that at least two saw the assault.
(Note: See Motorcycle Attacks, below)
The NYPD has been very invasive in establishing itself around the U.S. and the rest of the world:
There are now New York City police officers stationed in London working with New Scotland Yard; in Lyons at the headquarters of Interpol; and in Hamburg, Tel Aviv, and Toronto. There are also two cops on assignment at FBI headquarters in Washington, and New York detectives have traveled to Afghanistan, Egypt, Yemen, Pakistan, and the military’s prison at Guantánamo Bay in Cuba to conduct interrogations. Members of the department’s command staff have also attended sessions at the Naval War College in Newport, Rhode Island.
…the New York Police Department has become one of the nation’s most aggressive domestic intelligence agencies, targeting ethnic communities in ways that would run afoul of civil liberties rules if practiced by the federal government, an Associated Press investigation has found.
These operations have benefited from unprecedented help from the CIA, a partnership that has blurred the line between foreign and domestic spying.
The department has dispatched undercover officers, known as “rakers,” into minority neighborhoods as part of a human mapping program, according to officials directly involved in the program. They’ve monitored daily life in bookstores, bars, cafes and nightclubs. Police have also used informants, known as “mosque crawlers,” to monitor sermons, even when there’s no evidence of wrongdoing.
Neither the city council, which finances the department, nor the federal government, which has given NYPD more than $1.6 billion since 9/11, is told exactly what’s going on.
Many of these operations were built with help from the CIA, which is prohibited from spying on Americans but was instrumental in transforming the NYPD’s intelligence unit.
A veteran CIA officer, while still on the agency’s payroll, was the architect of the NYPD’s intelligence programs. The CIA trained a police detective at the Farm, the agency’s spy school in Virginia, then returned him to New York, where he put his new espionage skills to work inside the United States.
And just last month, the CIA sent a senior officer to work as a clandestine operative inside police headquarters.
– Huffington Post, Aug. 2011
The NYPD has built, with the assistance of the CIA, counter-terrorist branches of its department to conduct investigations and carry out spy missions of alleged terrorists or monitor terrorist activity. The CIA is prohibited from spying on Americans, but the New York City Council and the federal government have never been told what exactly is going on with the NYPD’s operations. The City Council finances the department, and several reports have stated that the feds have given over $1 billion to the NYPD since Sept. 11, 2001.
– Amsterdam News, April 2013
Looks like the trigger-happy NYPD is jet setting all over the world, exporting its particularly oppressive strategy of law and order. Among other offenses–such as killing unarmed African American children, stopping and frisking 700,000 (mostly black and brown) people a year and illegally surveilling thousands of Muslim Americans–the NYPD has recently come under fire for boasting in internal emails about how all the kick-ass, law-breaking, rogue work its recently been up to.
“I keep telling you, you and I are going to laugh and raise a beer one day, when everything Intel (NYPD’s Intelligence Division) has been involved in during the last 10 years comes out – it always eventually comes out. They are going to make [former FBI Director J. Edgar] Hoover, COINTEL, Red Squads, etc look like rank amatures [sic] compared to some of the damn right felonious activity, and violations of US citizen’s rights they have been engaged in,”one leaked email read.
Oh, and did you know the NYPD also has a Hucules team (its equivalent of the Special Forces) that rides around the city in black Suburbans, sheathed in armor-plated vests and carrying 9-mm. submachine guns—sometimes with air or sea support? Yeah, they do that, too.
That’s not the only overseas branch, however: 4 other “branches” in four other countries and 11 cities (through it’s “International Liaison Program”) serve as a testament to NYPD’s globalist agenda for its’ boys in blue. Even the FBI has expressed concerns in the past about the NYPD repeatedly breaking laws in hundreds of other jurisdictions – both national and international – as well as their own, while operating.
Just to fill you in on how closely aligned Israel and the NYPD are, here’s a tidbit from Mondoweiss from back in 2011:
Fast-forward to the present, where in recent weeks a steady drip of outrageous revelations about the NYPD’s indiscriminate spying on Muslim New Yorkers continues to be published by the Associated Press.
Israeli “counter-terror” tactics rely on a racist dragnet that labels every Palestinian a threat to Israeli security, much in the same way the NYPD’s operation reveal that the department believes every Muslim guilty until proven innocent.
The NYPD, of course, needs no help in learning the tactics of racial profiling when it comes to policing communities of color. But the close relationship between the NYPD and Israel on counter-terrorism merits a closer look. Just what insight is the NYPD gathering from Israeli security?
But get this: They’ve been working in all of these countries – and more – since 2003:
Mordecai Dzikansky, a veteran New York Police Department detective, had only recently taken up his post here in Israel in March 2003, when a shrapnel-packed bomb blew a bus to shreds in Haifa. Fifteen passengers, among them a 14-year-old American girl, were killed.
Blood from the dead and the 36 who were wounded was spread all along the street, and windows were shattered in buildings near where a Palestinian had detonated the powerful bomb.
In Jerusalem, an Israeli police officer faxed Detective Dzikansky a copy of a letter found near the suicide bomber’s remains. The note, handwritten in Arabic and translated for the detective, praised the “glorious” 9/11 attack on the “two big buildings in New York.”
Within hours, long before the Federal Bureau of Investigation in Washington saw the letter, a copy was on the desk of the New York police commissioner, Raymond W. Kelly. Security at public places throughout the city was quietly reinforced, officials said. It was precisely the kind of information that Mr. Kelly wanted when he decided in 2002 to place his own detectives in police departments overseas. “Nothing compares to having one of our own working face to face with our counterparts abroad,” he said.
The department’s overseas liaison program now has New York police officers working in seven cities from Montreal to Singapore. The effort is meant to produce significant information about the evolution of Islamic terrorism, how New York can prevent another attack, and should one occur, how it can best recover.
Officials say New York is negotiating to place an officer in Madrid, and for the first time is considering having a foreign police officer, an Egyptian, in the department’s own intelligence division. “The program tries to ensure that the New York question gets asked in any counterterrorism investigation,” said David Cohen, the department’s deputy commissioner for intelligence, who before Mr. Kelly recruited him worked for the Central Intelligence Agency for 35 years.
The role of the department’s officers overseas, however ambitious and novel, is deliberately limited. Under agreements with their foreign counterparts, the detectives are not armed and cannot be directly involved in terror investigations or participate in enforcement actions. Still, their presence overseas has strained the department’s often tense relations with the F.B.I. In Israel, for instance, the bureau opposed creating the post for the department’s detective, according to American and Israeli officials. At bottom, these officials say, the F.B.I. deeply resents New York’s efforts to collect its own intelligence.
Ed Cogswell, an F.B.I. spokesman in Washington, said, “It’s a problem for the U.S. government, which needs to have a unified voice in foreign countries; and it’s important for the foreign government to know who the official representative of the U.S. government is.”
The Police Foundation, a private organization, has financed the program, which officials say costs less than $700,000 a year in extra living and travel expenses to station seven officers abroad. In addition to Tel Aviv, Montreal and Singapore, the program has placed liaison officers in Toronto; London; Lyon, France; and, most recently, Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic.
In some places the program has had a steep learning curve. In London, for instance, the New York Police Department’s first liaison was quietly evicted from his office at Scotland Yard for sending New York delicate information about terrorism investigations without British authorization, officials said.
Since his arrival in Israel, Detective Dzikansky, 42, who has been an officer for 23 years and a homicide detective for 6 of those, has become an expert on suicide bombings. He has gone to Moscow and Istanbul to study attacks similar to the 17 in Israel that he has reviewed. He was also part of the New York Police Department team sent to Madrid in March 2004 after bombings of four trains killed 191 people. The city’s team arrived within hours of the attack – and much to the fury of the F.B.I., before its own experts had arrived and without previous consultation, officials said.
Detective Dzikansky’s persistence in popping up immediately at bombing sites, and his quick response to Israeli officials’ requests for information about New York-based suspects, seem to have won him their trust and respect. This was not always true.
Discussions about what became Detective Dzikansky’s assignment began at Kennedy Airport in May 2002 during an Israeli delegation’s midnight fueling stop. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and other senior officials were flying back to Israel in the wake of a suicide attack.
Mr. Cohen, New York’s deputy commissioner for intelligence, had been scheduled to discuss the proposal with his Israeli counterpart later in the week, but had raced to the airport instead to chat with him and officially request such cooperation.
“Naturally we were suspicious at first,” said Anat Granit, head of the Israeli National Police’s International Relations Unit. “Was this Jewish guy being sent to spy on us?” she said. When several Israeli officials complained to the F.B.I., she said, they learned that the bureau was not keen on the idea either. “They told us: ‘Don’t worry,’ ” Ms. Granit said, ” ‘This will not happen. We will kill it.’ ”
Detective Dzikansky still has virtually no contact with his F.B.I. counterpart in Tel Aviv, who operates out of the American Embassy and declined to comment on his relationship with the New York Police Department.
But as the New York detective walks through the corridors of police headquarters in Jerusalem, home to Israel’s 27,000 police officers, he is invariably greeted as Morty, in the Hebrew he now speaks fluently, with a quip and a smile.
Detective Dzikansky has concluded that inspecting bombing sites within an hour after an attack is invaluable. His reports list some of the major lessons to be learned by officers in New York: Take nothing for granted. Be wary of everything.
The pregnant woman may be carrying a bomb rather than a fetus; a bicycle or a baby stroller can transport explosives. The man in seemingly Hasidic garb may be a terrorist.
At Israeli headquarters, Detective Dzikansky and his Israeli colleague, Gil Kleiman, an American-born lawyer and former bomb squad member who is now an Israeli police spokesman, stop at a display of seemingly innocent objects that have been used with infinite creativity to hide bombs: a loaf of bread cut in half lengthwise, the sole of a woman’s platform shoe, a cookie tin, a toothpaste tube, a Koran.
“What New York cop would ordinarily insist on searching a baby carriage for bombs,” Detective Dzikansky said, “or frisking a pregnant woman?”
The detective has recently helped arrange exchanges of value to both New York and Israel. Members of New York’s bomb squad, for example, went to Israel a few weeks ago to train with their Israeli counterparts, whose dozen or so experts received 84,759 calls in 2003. And recently, leaders of Israel’s police aviation unit, whose 33 pilots logged in 4,000 flight hours last year taking surveillance photos of everything from traffic snarls to terrorist attacks, visited New York and Dallas for orientation and training with the New York department, whose urban aviation group is considered the nation’s oldest, largest, and best equipped.
“We’re just starting to build skyscrapers, for instance,” said Oded Shemla, commander of the Israeli police’s aviation unit. “But we had never thought that our helicopters might not be able to land on them in an emergency because of smoke. Sept. 11 taught us that.”
In 2012, the New York Post gives us an update on how this detective is doing:
Last year Mordecai Dzikansk, an NYPD detective working in Israel, explained that his role was to learn from foreign authorities and situations that arise overseas.
“I was there to ask the New York question,” Dzikansky said. “Why this location? Was there something unique that the bomber had done? Was there any pre-notification. Was there a security lapse?”
According to the new report, former Israeli and veteran NYPD detective Charlie Ben-Naim was already working in Israel, but it was recently decided that he’d stop working out of the U.S. embassy and move into an office in the Sharon District police headquarters in Kfar Saba.
NYPD signs hang around the office, including one that reads, “New York Police Department, the best police department in the world.”
Al-Monitor had this to say about Ben-Naim:
He is a veteran detective of the NYPD and a former Israeli who went to study in New York, married a local city resident and then joined the local police force. Among the things he has dealt with in the line of duty are the extradition of criminals, the transmitting of intelligence information and assistance in the location of missing persons, both in the United States and in Israel.
NYPD On Lookout For Motorcycle Riders Possibly Armed With ‘Sticky Bombs’
CBS 2’s Marcia Kramer has learned the Iranians may already have drawn up an attack blueprint.
Officials are on the alert for what they are calling an “off the shelf” terror attack by Iran, a plot the nation’s spies may have already developed for use when the timing is right.
The fear is Iran may think the right time is now.
Anti-terror cops pulled over a rental truck in Times Square on Wednesday, searching its undercarriage for a bomb. The NYPD is also on the alert for motorcycle riders armed with so called “sticky bombs” that can be attached to a car in the blink of an eye. It’s part of a stepped up security alert by law enforcement officials who fear the increasing international belligerence of Iran could lead to a terror attack here in New York City sometime soon.
“It’s not surprising that they may have the capability and have some planning already in place to carry out these acts,” former FBI agent and current security expert William Daly told Kramer.
NEW YORK (CBSNewYork) — The NYPD has increased security at the Israeli consulate, synagogues and other Jewish cultural institutions throughout the city.
The rising tensions between Israel and Iran have prompted the security increase in our area. Heavily armed police and bomb sniffing dogs were posted outside the Israeli consulate on Manhattan’s East Side. CBS 2′s Hazel Sanchez reported seeing police cars, heavily-armed officers and K-9 units outside the consulate on Friday.
White House officials believe Israel may be planning an attack on Iran’s nuclear program as early as this Spring. Should they strike, Iran has vowed to retaliate against Israel and its U.S. interests.
Israeli governmental buildings and Jewish soft targets like synagogues and community centers have been placed on high alert.
“Unfortunately, the Iranians don’t like Israel and they don’t like the United States, so we become right at the top of their list in terms of targets,” security expert Bob Strang said.
The NYPD said it is increasing security at synagogues and other Jewish institutions after talks between Defense Secretary Leon Panetta and Israeli officials about a possible Israeli pre-emptive strike on Iran.
“We know that the Iranians have the capability in Washington, New York, Los Angeles. They’re capable of actually committing a crime here — whether it be murder, whether it be activating some type of terrorist attack,” Strang said.
“CBS This Morning” Senior Correspondent John Miller said Iran’s threat is very real. Security sources said that on three separate occasions — in 2002, 2003 and 2004 — suspected Iranian intelligence agents were caught in New York City conducting surveillance on landmarks and critical infrastructures looking for potential targets.
“Riding the number 7 train and filming out the front window of the train, so that they could document the path of the tunnel that runs under the United Nations’ building. Of course, they said they were tourists and they were just taking pictures, but it was 1 o’clock in the morning. They were suspected agents of the Iranian intelligence apparatus,” Miller said.
Since then, the NYPD said it has been closely monitoring the conflict between Israel and Iran.
“That is part of what has the New York Police Department raised up on alert now. They know about those instances and there are probably other instances of surveillance and planning that they don’t know about,” Miller said.
There has been no specific threat made against institutions in our area, but police are warning officers and residents to stay extra vigilant just in case.
NEW YORK (CBSNewYork) — The violence in the Middle East is leading to stepped up security in New York, and some frayed nerves for those with family in Israel.
There are police officers on every corner near the Israeli Consulate on Second Avenue and in front of almost every Jewish temple across the city, CBS 2’s Tony Aiello reported Friday.
Israel’s top cop wants his police force to have better manners — and he’s using the NYPD as his role model.
“There is no reason that we can’t be like the NYPD,” Israel Police Chief Yochanan Danino told the Daily News Wednesday.
“(We can be) even better,” he said.
Danino is visiting the city this week to tour the NYPD’s “Ring of Steel” — a surveillance camera network that blankets midtown Manhattan — and to talk to Police Commissioner Raymond Kelly about anti-terrorist tactics.
He says he hopes to learn how NYPD officers are trained to address the public and handle quality-of-life complaints.
“I want to see how the police officers here treat the people that obey the law,” he said. “On one hand they can be very polite and give citizens all the help they need and on the other hand be tough when it comes to criminals.”
Danino, who was named head of Israel’s nationwide security force two years ago, has already taken steps to emulate the NYPD: his agency’s new uniforms look just like the ones New York’s boys in blue wear.
“It’s almost the same uniform,” Danino explained. But it’s hot in Israel, he said, so their uniforms needed to be more lightweight. “We didn’t change the colors, but we changed the material.”…
“(Israel is showing) an incredible lack of concern for community relations if they’re trying to emulate broken windows policing and out of control stop-and-frisk practices,” said Donna Lieberman, executive director of the New York Civil Liberties Union. “There is a lot that is highly professional about the NYPD, but the disdain for the niceties of individual rights isn’t one of them.”
Danino shrugged off the naysayers.
“No matter where you are in the world, people will always find things to criticize their police agency,” he said.– New York Daily News, April 2013
“Today Americans would be outraged if U.N. troops entered Los Angeles to restore order; tomorrow they will be grateful. This is especially true if they were told there was an outside threat from beyond, whether real or promulgated, that threatened our very existence.
It is then that all peoples of the world will plead with world leaders to deliver them from this evil.
The one thing every man fears is the unknown. When presented with this scenario, individual rights will be willingly relinquished for the guarantee of their well being granted to them by their world government.”
– Henry Kissinger
speaking at Evian, France, May 21, 1992 Bilderberg meeting.
Unbeknownst to Kissinger, his speech was taped by a Swiss delegate to the meeting.
Drury, Bob. Mafia Cop: The Story of an Honest Cop Whose Family Was the Mob. ISBN 1-4165-2399-5
Lawson, Guy. The Brotherhoods: The True Story of Two Cops Who Murdered for the Mafia. 2007. ISBN 978-0-7432-8944-3
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